Workshop:

Governance is not something immanent, it is contstructed and elaborated concept. Different governance aspects,problems related to this notion and collective reflexion allowing Africa to enrich the debate about its future. For ECA Executive Secretary good governance is essential for a sustainable and promising future for Africa. It is was said that good governance allows an economic and human development, conflict prevention and ensure economic growth. It is based on democracy, transparency and accountability. Four positives patterns have merged in the way of creating competent states in Africa: democratic transitions, political openess; freedom of speech and accountability and economic management. But other domains still very sensitive such as corruption fighting. This latter is weakening institutions and african society. To eradicate it there is a need to put sanctions.There is also a need to create independent institutions who have enough financial and human resources to fight against corruption. It was also shown that good governance and and African moving forward can only be realized if there is a strong and trustworthy civil society.

In Central Africa wars are the perfect opportunities for warlords and arms traficking actors to do business. However it is not only because of this practice that african geopolitics is changing. The situation in this region is characterized since a few years by a certain number of breakdowns. Since the end of the 80s, subsaharan Africa in general and Central Africa in particular has been engaged in a democratization process by paradoxically paying the price of aggravating tensions and conflicts. Since the rwanda genocide in 1994 most of events happening in the Great Lakes region are perceived as red flags for new tragedies. Neighbouring countries of Rwanda and Burundi have been affected during these last years by turbulences continuing to haunt these countries. If the war that did occur in the ex-Zaire have registered massacres, rwandan refugees who were escaping from the refugee camps implemented in this country or in Tanzania have been trying to reach in these last months Malawi, Kenya, the Congo or the Centrafrique.

Tomorrow they will probably reach Gabon, Cameroun, Tchad or Nigeria. We can predict that during coming months, we will see troubles affecting the Great Lakes being disseminated.

Author:Ange-Séverin Malanda

Ethnicity is usually negatively perceived in France while at the opposite nation is positively perceived. The first one is relating to culture and blood ties versus the second being an imagined community based on political tie and social contract.This perception of ethnicity has in a decisive manner impacted France colonial policy in its construction of the relation to the Other and still determining French imagining of Africa. But is ethnicity the unique paradigm to analyze politics in Africa and can it explain everything? Can ethnicity analysis be separated from other dynamics that are « working » african societies? How can we explain its recurrence in the political change situations the continent is experiencing since a dozen of years? To the contrary of any demonisation, we can formulate the hypothesis that ethnicity is a legitimate mode of political participation and public space access. Meaning that its pregance is not de facto incompatible with rooted democracy, idea and political system.

The document is synthesis of works presented at a UNESCO seminar held in Nairobi in June 2001. The document is presenting the final report and all discussed thematics such as building curriculum for living together or teaching strategies and african languages. Another topic related to building curriculum in postconflict situation is also presented. So many interesting thematics contained in this document. National reports compose the last part of the report.

The document is an oversight that solidarity economy actors make on what they brought to history, convergences and consensus this economy has created. It is also focusing on the french and world networks built on solidarity economy values.

Solidarity economy is characterized by the way of doing business and is promoting businesses types that give priority to service offered more than maximal profit even though it still a real economic actor. Also called « Third sector » or « non profit sector » in Europe and elsewhere, solidarity economy is a very diverse and therefore difficult economic picture to apprehend easily with statistics.

The current report is presenting an independant evaluation of ARMP process as it took place in Benin. It is presenting major steps taken since the process was set after Benin signature of the ARMP memorandum of agreement (MdE)in March 31, 2004 until its layout before the ARMP participants countries head of states (peer evaluation) in january 30, 2008.

The report is examining also if the document presentation in ARMP forum was followed by a debate about governance in Benin and in what type of conditions this debate should be oragnized. Finally the report is proposing recommendations for the ARMP action program setting in Benin.

This article is a manifesto written by the author for the upcoming french presidential election of 2012. It is assessing four challenges that need to be addressed by the french political elite:

1) Citizens are aware of irreversible interdependancies between societies in our planet and between humanity and biosphere

2) Citizens are feel that we should engage in major transition

3) Citizens know that this transition involves structural changes therefore will be a long and difficult one.

4) There is a gap between « formal democracy », occupational democracy and substantial democracy.

Saving the Republic requires that challenges above to be addressed and responded. Following are precise proposations to achieve it. They are based on two ideas: politics is not a « shopping list » of things to be done by the five years term, it is a method and a vision; structural changes to be undertaken are identified and serve as political agenda vertebral column.

Public policy on culture in Senegal from independance day to nowadays is stamped by the presence and shadow of leopold Sedar who always puts culture at the beginning and the end of development process. This culturalist spirit has influenced his successor(Abdou Diouf 1981-2000)cultural philosophy to the point of shading his definition of a Cultural Charter and his support to Panafrican Festival on Arts and Cultures. The author presentation is following step by step the conflicted trajectory of arts and culture in Senegal during Senghor(poet-philosopher) presidency and his successor Abdou Diouf (the technocrat) in the historical period between independance and structural adjustments era less in favor of cultural policy.

In the Senghor philosophy where « everything is culture », the « Big State » assigns to cultural policy a mission to express and build a national identity by exploiting mythical and historical feelings thus incarnated in cultural institutions desired, created and perpetuated by public offices. Under Abdou Diouf cultural generosity is tested by economic reality characterized by resources scarcity.

The « white paper on intercultural dialogue » presented here is stating with strength in the name of governments of the European Council 47 member-states that our future depends on our capability to protect and develop human rights as adopted by the European Human rights Convention, democracy, law primacy and promote mutual understanding. the white paper is aslo defending the idea that intercultural approach provide a cultural diversity management model open to the future. It is proposing a conception based on the equal dignity of individuals( therefore on a common humanity and fate).

Cultural dialogue has therefore an important role to play. In one part it helps us prevent ethnic, religious, linguistic and cultural divide. In the other part it alows us to move together and acknowledge in a constructive and democratic way, our different identities on the foundation of shared universal values.

The tradition-modernity greffe did produce only hybrid outcomes and do not even satisfy those who have mostly access to material properties. What ones wins is it worth than what ones loses? There is a permanent social off balance caused by the stacking of two different civilizations who despite multiples bridges are not very well integrated. Apparently there is no posssible symbiosis. While in the same field one is moving up, the other is receding despite a strong resistance. We are going to observe how traditon is surviving in modern cities. This is the « values ruse » which is trying express itself in many types of social and religious organizations (mbootay or Dahira). Needs of reunions or simple nostalgia of cummunity life which foundations were destroyed? Is our world going to change its foundation? As it is said in Senegal if culture is at the beginning and at the end of development, we need to create adequate structures to our life, society and community development conception. Is there any strategy to cut off with status quo and lead to an indigenous and community development?

Are african political parties so indigent in terms of ideoligical resources?Could a deeper analysis of their ideas and beliefs allow us to lower a little bit negative judgments formulated above? The article goal is to anwser theses questions using a case of study in Tchad.

Of course conclusions are based on one example and will then have a limited impact and should not be extrapolated rashly at the continental level.

Joking relationships are a social phenomenon that characterized human relations. As we have in many societies and civilizations exchanges and hierarchies between family members, we also have relationships between members of different clans. These types of relationships have been experienced in many african societies for many puposes. Most of them are expressing religious, military, economical and judiciary relations inside families, clans or between allied groups.

The paper is advocating for a comeback to a usual practice of joking relationships as it was in ancient african societies.

1- What is the historical area covered by this type of conflict resolution in the african continent in general and especially in West Africa.

2- Joking relationships constitution and their evolution in the long run.

Ivoirity destiny as a concept is an idea that did not succeed to realize caring intentions of its creators. It is also the destiny of an idea not understood and criticized correctly,also not well presented. Taken out of its creator cultural context,manipulated by individuals with political agenda in a sensitive environment, ivoirity that should unite us did divide us. Should we review this concept taken into hostage to use it as the bacon for sub-regional african integration, main element of african unity? Why and how can we dedramatize a noble concept that unable to fullfill its first objective?

We need to drop demagogic vision of this concept and utilize the citizen-based aspect of it and then reminding that nation-state (lawful political community) prevails only when reasonable individuals do overcome thier individuality and open themselves to otherness.

This article is questioning in a philosophical point of view political management of ethnic identities in the Black Africa postcolonial state. To avoid risks of exclusion and opposition radicalisation that can lead the Same and the Other, the similar and dissimilar to tragic confrontations in the Great Lakes area.

Between 1770 and 1776 the « maraboutic party » under Cerno Suleyman Baal has overthrown the last Deeniyanke Saltigi and established a theocratic republic: the Almamiyat (1770-1880). this article is exploring major steps of that theocracy.

the paper is initiating a reflexion on solution search regarding conflicts that are destabilizing the world. The author is referring to Bergson theoretical works to propose solutions which while identifying deepest conflicts source provide also hope about a possible humanity.

States in Black Africa, despite their socio-geographical diversity do share the same historical situation that generate them, characterized by populations and nations that did experience long colonial joug periods with all psychological, social and material consequences involved: economic underdevelopment, society structures destabilized, national culture cover up.

The african postcolonial state is struggling to merge as a modern state. He is failing in this continuous quest of political legitimacy which could enbale him to be economically efficient. He is also in search of an economical efficiency that could lead to political legitimacy. The author is providing reasons to explain why this quest of legitimacy is still failing.

The document is published after a workshop organized in 1998 in the city of Kankan(Guinea Republic)by traditional communicators mostly known as the « griots ». It is presenting the 44 articles of the Mande Charter, the so-called Kurukan Fuga charter create in 1236 after the Kirina battle.

It is a kind of declaration regarding citizens rights and responsabilities in a new political order.

this paper is analyzing education fundamental characteristics, structure and technics (rites of passage etc)in Africa. The article is also providing useful definitions of concepts such as tradition, traditional education and values.

Postocolonial state in Africa failure is not only reflecting african politicians lacking of capabilities to govern their states on modern democracy principles as many people stated it. It is more a historical failure to update political economic and administrative structures inherited from colonialism by adapting them to model of participation and tolerance that assess cultures differences.

Therefore we are facing an impossible cohabitation and an unsuccessful greffe between civic and ethnic values and then a lack of political harmony and cohesion. The binomial indigenous-immigrants seems to radicalise these types of oppositions.

Basically, the article is relating the struggle to reconciliate ethnic and civic identities. Do The Banyarwanda in the Kivu area protests have any historical and authentical basis or are they only some type of ideological use and abuse needed to legetimate Batutsi hegemonic ambition during the post genocide era? This is the type question laid by this paper.

John Lonsdale is contributing to the debate about how ethnicity cope with politics in Africa using the example of Kikuyus in Kenya.

This is the African Books Review Vol 7 No2 September 2011 edited by CODESRIA on the following themes:

• citizenship

• governance

• the place of Africa in the world

This article summarizes the desirability of the emergence of a rule of law that recognizes the need to create consensus among « the formal     » and « informal     »,diverse African cultures.This article is inviting us to a law invention exercise.

The document is a course taught at the Cathedral school about social ethics definition and use by the church and its respective charismatic leaders such as Pope Paul VI and John Paul the Second.

The paper is discussing current patterns of political regime in Great lakes area of central Africa. It is also formulating measures that should be taken by multilateral francophone cooperation to accompany ongoing democratization process.

This document is presidential candidate Ibrahima Fall 111 propositions offered to senegalese voters in the 2012 presidential elections.

The african renaissance cultural charter is a lawful tool adopted by the African Union with goals such as promoting freedom of expression and cultural democracy which is inseparable from social and political democracy. This charter is replacing the 1976 Africa cultural charter.

This article on the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD)is discussing the creation process and the echo generated by this initiative among the international community. It is also adressing the panafrican ideas and the hope generated by the NEPAD and the many hurdles this initiative has to face.

African legitimate governance has different means that societies feel they are well governed: constraints imposed on individuals in the name of the common good should refer to clear needs of the society in sustainable development governance. However, Management of sustainable governance modes conform to the way the African society thinks agreements should be reached and conflicts dealt with.

In addition, African leaders should be trustworthy. African institutions and public services should be efficient, relevant and implemented by competent civil servants devoted to the African public interest. Moreover, modern law and customary values are an important part of Sustainable Development Governance in Africa today. African societies and leaders should provide an illustration of this properly functioning society. With the arrival of colonialism and then the post-colonial Created State, most African societies retained the two judicial orders: one customary, the other contemporary, one oral, the other written. Far too often these systems work separately, are juxtaposed or compete with each other, as the African traditional political thought suggested.

Instead of having one system prevail over the other, instead of exalting an idealistic tradition or banishing it in the name of modernity, what Africa needs to be done to create an African sustainable development project of governance is to look for the best in both systems and draft principles for pluralism of governance. These two systems of governance in Africa are the main source of establishing any futuristic initiatives for sustainable governance for development, mainly to fight the African poverty system.

This document presents the main experiences that contributed to the proposals of the Alliance for Rebuilding Governance in Africa.

Each theme is assessed in terms of limitations, failures and possibilities, and is illustrated by at least two case studies that provide an insight into the shared viewpoints of players from different backgrounds, wherever possible.

« We hope that, once you have finished reading, you will share our conviction that, in order to deal with the global governance crisis, Africa must lend an ear to the specific questions of its citizens in order to find specific answers. »

Since October 1999, the Network, « Dialogues on governance in Africa » has been working in the Western and Central regions of the continent to promote a radical reform in governance in order to legitimise it and ensure its conformity to the values and needs of the African people. This Network is made up of Africans and non-Africans who have embarked on actions and reflections among African people and in the world as a whole in order to foster dialogue in the management of public affairs in Africa.